Post-Conflict Power-Sharing Agreements Options For Syria
A post-conflict agreement must also recognize the importance of transitional justice and, therefore, the Syrian justice system must be strengthened and a more independent role in its behaviour in order to reconcile community abuses and undermine the trauma of war between communities. A post-conflict agreement must also respect the right to opposition and the right to freedom of expression and assembly, which can only be achieved through the sharing of power. The book examines the comparative models of power-sharing implemented in societies facing identity conflicts, with particular attention to post-conflict design. It analyses the success and pitfalls of international experience before proposing a model for Syria. Contributors address the central question: which power-sharing agreements that have contributed to the resolution of long-form armed conflicts provide Syria with a platform for dialogue, negotiation and conflict mitigation? The pre-cemented comparative analysis in this book draws lessons from countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, India, Iraq, Lebanon, Mali, Northern Ireland, the Philippines and Sudan. The prospect of a post-conflict distribution of power in Syria is then resolved from different sectarian, ethnic and regional perspectives. The authors also address the challenges of peace-building, such as violent extremism, male and female participation, resettlement, retaliatory measures, transitional justice, the integration of armed groups and regional and international support. Salamey: One of the biggest challenges of power-sharing is the management of external relations and the buffer of foreign interference. Foreign interventions can be a curse and a blessing for [Iraq and Lebanon]. Lebanon has lived both fates.
Over time, power-sharing agreements will lead to common interests in economics, politics or international relations. The state will therefore have collective interests and not exclusive collective interests. In the long term, community social divides can occur, resulting in cohesive state ownership. Salamey: Any agreement on power-sharing in Syria must learn from the lessons of Lebanon and Iraq. For example, power-sharing in Lebanon has enabled Lebanon to meet many challenges, including foreign occupations. Despite regional tensions, particularly the Shiite-Sunni divide, the state has been able to accommodate different groups. Lebanon has been able to overcome these differences by providing different groups with a share of power. In other words, power-sharing has protected them from being dominated by other sects.
The balance of power between the different communities has therefore helped Lebanon overcome a turbulent region. It can do the same for Syria. Salamey: Any power-sharing agreement must decentralize power to the locals, particularly the regional provinces. In this way, regional communities can participate in determining their own destiny. Secondly, it is necessary to create a new, inclusive army that is associated with rival fighting gangs in Syria, whether pro-regime or anti-regime.